will ultimately remake the material world in its own image. What is important about China from the standpoint of world history is not the present state of the reform or even its future prospects. I use the example of Japan with some caution, since Kojève late in his life came to conclude that Japan, with its culture based on purely formal arts, proved that the universal homogenous state was not victorious and that history had perhaps not ended. Charles Krauthammer, for example, recently explained that if as a result of Gorbachev's reforms the ussr is shorn of Marxist-Leninist ideology, its behavior will revert to that of nineteenth century imperial Russia. There is no struggle or conflict over "large" geyser article for research papers issues, and consequently no need for generals or statesmen; what remains is primarily economic activity.
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At the modern stage, the ability to build up material wealth at an accelerated rate on the basis of front-ranking science and filipino american dream immigrants essay high-level techniques and technology, and to distribute it fairly, and through joint efforts to restore and protect the resources necessary for mankind's survival. Even though I recognize its inevitability, I have the most ambivalent feelings for the civilization that has been created in Europe since 1945, with its north Atlantic and Asian offshoots. But the concept of history as a dialectical process with a beginning, a middle, and an end was borrowed by Marx from his great German predecessor, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. Wall Street Journal school of deterministic materialism habitually points to the stunning economic success of Asia in the past few decades as evidence of the viability of free market economics, with the implication that all societies would see similar development were they simply to allow. It may be possible to return to traditional Marxism-Leninism for a while as a simple rallying point for those who want to restore the authority that Gorbachev has dissipated. Hence Imperial Japan would qualify as fascist while former strongman Stoessner's Paraguay or Pinochet's Chile would not. But let us focus for the time being on the larger and more developed states of the world who after all account for the greater part of world politics. This school in effect applies a Hobbesian view of politics to international relations, and assumes that aggression and insecurity are universal characteristics of human societies rather than the product of specific historical circumstances.
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